Rachel Dolezal Lied Because She Wanted to be Black, Not a Friend to Blacks

Rachel Dolezal (Image from www.cnn.com)

I cannot be silent any longer on Rachel Dolezal, especially on the “she shouldn’t have lied rhetoric” coming — interestingly — from as many white as black “haters” on social media:
Stop it. All of you.
If — as she has maintained — IF Dolezal truly wanted to be black she could not say she was white and you durn well know it.
The whole identity, the feeling of truly being “in the struggle,” the being embraced as a true “sister” comes from saying and believing, in your heart, that you are black.
Sure. I’ll give her mental illness. (Though most of us have some degree of it but I digress…).
But, my overarching question is this: Why do you care?
And where did this woman do any of you any harm, whatsover, by working hard for the NAACP, raising two black boys, socializing in black circles and, until very recently, happily living her life as a black person?

[Image and following story from www.cnn.com] http://cnn.it/1JV7tHS

— This is a post reprinted from Janita Poe’s personal Facebook page and fan page.

100 Years Ago Today: Georgia Reconstruction-era Representative, Turner High School Namesake Died

ATLANTA — His portrait, prominently positioned outside the entrance to the Georgia House of Representatives chambers, may come as a surprise to some.

Most of the paintings displayed throughout the capitol are of white males whose names now grace major street signs and buildings.

But a quick lesson on the unparalleled life of Henry McNeal Turner — and the rousing address he delivered moments before lawmakers voted to oust all black representatives from the capitol — reveals a man whose story all Georgians should know and celebrate.

According to The New Georgia Encyclopedia, although Turner was born a free man of color in 1834 in South Carolina, the law did not allow schools to educate African Americans so he was illiterate until he had the opportunity to work as a law firm janitor at age 15 and met sympathetic attorneys who taught him to read and write.

Turner went on to become a bishop in the African American Episcopal (AME) Church, form the International Migration Society (which advocated the return of African Americans to Africa) and one of the first blacks ever to serve in the Georgia Legislature. Atlanta’s former Turner High School – along with Washington High School once among the city’s most prestigious schools for black residents — was built in his honor.

Turner died May 8, 1915 — 100 years ago today– in Windsor, Canada, while traveling on church business.

In July 1868, Turner was among the two state senators and twenty-five black Republican state representatives elected to serve in the Georgia legislature, according to BlackPast.org. Less than two months later, Georgia Democrats, the majority of the legislature,expelled all black members. On Sept. 3, 1868, Turner stood before the assembled representatives and deliver this speech, which is printed on the BlackPast.org site and in the 1932 Atlanta University thesis of Ethel Maude Christler, “Participation of Negroes in the government of Georgia, 1867–1870:

“Mr. Speaker: Before proceeding to argue this question upon its intrinsic merits, I wish the members of this House to understand the position that I take. I hold that I am a member of this body. Therefore, sir, I shall neither fawn nor cringe before any party, nor stoop to beg them for my rights.

Some of my colored fellow members, in the course of their remarks, took occasion to appeal to the sympathies of members on the opposite side, and to eulogize their character for magnanimity. It reminds me very much, sir, of slaves begging under the lash. I am here to demand my rights and to hurl thunderbolts at the men who would dare to cross the threshold of my manhood.

There is an old aphorism which says, “fight the devil with fire,” and if I should observe the rule in this instance, I wish gentlemen to understand that it is but fighting them with their own weapon. The scene presented in this House, today, is one unparalleled in the history of the world. From this day, back to the day when God breathed the breath of life into Adam, no analogy for it can be found.

Never, in the history of the world, has a man been arraigned before a body clothed with legislative, judicial or executive functions, charged with the offense of being a darker hue than his fellow men. I know that questions have been before the courts of this country, and of other countries, involving topics not altogether dissimilar to that which is being discussed here today.

But, sir, never in the history of the great nations of this world never before has a man been arraigned, charged with an offense committed by the God of Heaven Himself. Cases may be found where men have been deprived of their rights for crimes and misdemeanors; but it has remained for the state of Georgia, in the very heart of the nineteenth century, to call a man before the bar, and there charge him with an act for which he is no more responsible than for the head which he carries upon his shoulders.

The Anglo Saxon race, sir, is a most surprising one. No man has ever been more deceived in that race than I have been for the last three weeks. I was not aware that there was in the character of that race so much cowardice or so much pusillanimity. The treachery which has been exhibited in it by gentlemen belonging to that race has shaken my confidence in it more than anything that has come under my observation from the day of my birth.

What is the question at issue? Why, sir, this Assembly, today, is discussing and deliberating on a judgment; there is not a Cherub that sits around God’s eternal throne today that would not tremble even were an order issued by the Supreme God Himself to come down here and sit in judgment on my manhood.

Gentlemen may look at this question in whatever light they choose, and with just as much indifference as they may think proper to assume, but I tell you, sir, that this is a question which will not die today. This event shall be remembered by posterity for ages yet to come, and while the sun shall continue to climb the hills of heaven. Whose legislature is this? Is it a white man’s legislature, or is it a black man’s legislature? Who voted for a constitutional convention, in obedience to the mandate of the Congress of the United States? Who first rallied around the standard of Reconstruction? Who set the ball of loyalty rolling in the state of Georgia? And whose voice was heard on the hills and in the valleys of this state?

It was the voice of the brawny armed Negro, with the few humanitarian hearted white men who came to our assistance. I claim the honor, sir, of having been the instrument of convincing hundreds yea, thousands of white men, that to reconstruct under the measures of the United States Congress was the safest and the best course for the interest of the state.

Let us look at some facts in connection with this matter. Did half the white men of Georgia vote for this legislature? Did not the great bulk of them fight, with all their strength, the Constitution under which we are acting? And did they not fight against the organization of this legislature? And further, sir, did they not vote against it?

Yes, sir! And there are persons in this legislature today who are ready to spit their poison in my face, while they themselves opposed, with all their power, the ratification of this Constitution. They question my right to a seat in this body, to represent the people whose legal votes elected me. This objection, sir, is an unheard of monopoly of power. No analogy can be found for it, except it be the case of a man who should go into my house, take possession of my wife and children, and then tell me to walk out.

I stand very much in the position of a criminal before your bar, because I dare to be the exponent of the views of those who sent me here. Or, in other words, we are told that if black men want to speak, they must speak through white trumpets; if black men want their sentiments expressed, they must be adulterated and sent through white messengers, who will quibble and equivocate and evade as rapidly as the pendulum of a clock. If this be not done, then the black men have committed an outrage, and their representatives must be denied the right to represent their constituents.

The great question, sir, is this: Am I a man?

If I am such, I claim the rights of a man. Am I not a man because I happen to be of a darker hue than honorable gentlemen around me?

Let me see whether I am or not. I want to convince the House today that I am entitled to my seat here. A certain gentleman has argued that the Negro was a mere development similar to the orangoutang or chimpanzee, but it so happens that, when a Negro is examined, physiologically, phrenologically and anatomically, and I may say, physiognomically, he is found to be the same as persons of different color. I would like to ask any gentleman on this floor, where is the analogy? Do you find me a quadruped, or do you find me a man? Do you find three bones less in my back than in that of the white man? Do you find fewer organs in the brain?

If you know nothing of this, I do; for I have helped to dissect fifty men, black and white, and I assert that by the time you take off the mucous pigment the color of the skin you cannot, to save your life, distinguish between the black man and the white.

Am I a man?

Have I a soul to save, as you have? Am I susceptible of eternal development, as you are? Can I learn all the arts and sciences that you can? Has it ever been demonstrated in the history of the world? Have black men ever exhibited bravery as white men have done? Have they ever been in the professions? Have they not as good articulative organs as you?

Some people argue that there is a very close similarity between the larynx of the Negro and that of the orangoutang. Why, sir, there is not so much similarity between them as there is between the larynx of the man and that of the dog, and this fact I dare any member of this House to dispute. God saw fit to vary everything in nature. There are no two men alike no two voices alike no two trees alike. God has weaved and tissued variety and versatility throughout the boundless space of His creation. Because God saw fit to make some red, and some white, and some black, and some brown, are we to sit here in judgment upon what God has seen fit to do? As well might one play with the thunderbolts of heaven as with that creature that bears God’s image God’s photograph.

The question is asked, “What is it that the Negro race has done?” Well, Mr. Speaker, all I have to say upon the subject is this: If we are the class of people that we are generally represented to be, I hold that we are a very great people. It is generally considered that we are the children of Canaan, and the curse of a father rests upon our heads, and has rested, all through history.

Sir, I deny that the curse of Noah had anything to do with the Negro. We are not the Children of Canaan; and if we are, sir, where should we stand? Let us look a little into history. Melchizedek was a Canaanite; all the Phoenicians all those inventors of the arts and sciences were the posterity of Canaan; but, sir, the Negro is not. We are the children of Cush, and Canaan’s curse has nothing whatever to do with the Negro. If we belong to that race, Ham belonged to it, under whose instructions Napoleon Bonaparte studied military tactics.

If we belong to that race, Saint Augustine belonged to it. Who was it that laid the foundation of the great Reformation? Martin Luther, who lit the light of gospel truth alight that will never go out until the sun shall rise to set no more; and, long ere then, Democratic principles will have found their level in the regions of Pluto and of Prosperpine . . . . The honorable gentleman from Whitfield (Mr. Shumate), when arguing this question, a day or two ago, put forth the proposition that to be a representative was not to be an officer “it was a privilege that citizens had a right to enjoy.” These are his words. It was not an office; it was a “privilege.”

Every gentleman here knows that he denied that to be a representative was to be an officer. Now, he is recognized as a leader of the Democratic party in this House, and generally cooks victuals for them to eat; makes that remarkable declaration, and how are you, gentlemen on the other side of the House, because I am an officer, when one of your great lights says that I am not an officer?

If you deny my right the right of my constituents to have representation here because it is a “privilege,” then, sir, I will show you that I have as many privileges as the whitest man on this floor. If I am not permitted to occupy a seat here, for the purpose of representing my constituents, I want to know how white men can be permitted to do so. How can a white man represent a colored constituency, if a colored man cannot do it?

The great argument is: “Oh, we have inherited” this, that and the other. Now, I want gentlemen to come down to cool, common sense. Is the created greater than the Creator? Is man greater than God? It is very strange, if a white man can occupy on this floor a seat created by colored votes, and a black man cannot do it.

Why, gentlemen, it is the most shortsighted reasoning in the world. A man can see better than that with half an eye; and even if he had no eye at all, he could forge one, as the Cyclops did, or punch one with his finger, which would enable him to see through that. It is said that Congress never gave us the right to hold office.

I want to know, sir, if the Reconstruction measures did not base their action on the ground that no distinction should be made on account of race, color or previous condition? Was not that the grand fulcrum on which they rested? And did not every reconstructed state have to reconstruct on the idea that no discrimination, in any sense of the term, should be made?

There is not a man here who will dare say No. If Congress has simply given me a merely sufficient civil and political rights to make me a mere political slave for Democrats, or anybody else giving them the opportunity of jumping on my back in order to leap into political power I do not thank Congress for it. Never, so help me God, shall I be a political slave. I am not now speaking for those colored men who sit with me in this House, nor do I say that they endorse my sentiments, but assisting Mr. Lincoln to take me out of servile slavery did not intend to put me and my race into political slavery. If they did, let them take away my ballot I do not want it, and shall not have it. I don’t want to be a mere tool of that sort. I have been a slave long enough already.

I tell you what I would be willing to do: I am willing that the question should be submitted to Congress for an explanation as to what was meant in the passage of their Reconstruction measures, and of the Constitutional Amendment. Let the Democratic Party in this House pass a resolution giving this subject that direction, and I shall be content. I dare you, gentlemen, to do it. Come up to the question openly, whether it meant that the Negro might hold office, or whether it meant that he should merely have the right to vote.

If you are honest men, you will do it. If, however, you will not do that, I would make another proposition: Call together, again, the convention that framed the constitution under which we are acting; let them take a vote upon the subject, and I am willing to abide by their decision… These colored men, who are unable to express themselves with all the clearness and dignity and force of rhetorical eloquence, are laughed at in derision by the Democracy of the country. It reminds me very much of the man who looked at himself in a mirror and, imagining that he was addressing another person, exclaimed: My God, how ugly you are!”

These gentlemen do not consider for a moment the dreadful hardships which these people have endured, and especially those who in any way endeavored to acquire an education. For myself, sir, I was raised in the cotton field of South Carolina, and in order to prepare myself for usefulness, as well to myself as to my race, I determined to devote my spare hours to study. When the overseer retired at night to his comfortable couch, I sat and read and thought and studied, until I heard him blow his horn in the morning. He frequently told me, with an oath, that if he discovered me attempting to learn, that he would whip me to death, and I have no doubt he would have done so, if he had found an opportunity. I prayed to Almighty God to assist me, and He did, and I thank Him with my whole heart and soul… So far as I am personally concerned, no man in Georgia has been more conservative than I. “Anything to please the white folks” has been my motto; and so closely have I adhered to that course, that many among my own party have classed me as a Democrat.

One of the leaders of the Republican party in Georgia has not been at all favorable to me for some time back, because he believed that I was too “conservative” for a Republican. I can assure you, however, Mr. Speaker, that I have had quite enough, and to spare, of such “conservatism” . . .

But, Mr. Speaker, I do not regard this movement as a thrust at me. It is a thrust at the Bible a thrust at the God of the Universe, for making a man and not finishing him; it is simply calling the Great Jehovah a fool.

Why, sir, though we are not white, we have accomplished much. We have pioneered civilization here; we have built up your country; we have worked in your fields and garnered your harvests for two hundred and fifty years!

And what do we ask of you in return? Do we ask you for compensation for the sweat our fathers bore for you for the tears you have caused, and the hearts you have broken, and the lives you have curtailed, and the blood you have spilled? Do we ask retaliation? We ask it not. We are willing to let the dead past bury its dead; but we ask you, now for our rights. You have all the elements of superiority upon your side; you have our money and your own; you have our education and your own; and you have our land and your own too. We, who number hundreds of thousands in Georgia, including our wives and families, with not a foot of land to call our own strangers in the land of our birth; without money, without education, without aid, without a roof to cover us while we live, nor sufficient clay to cover us when we die! It is extraordinary that a race such as yours, professing gallantry and chivalry and education and superiority, living in a land where ringing chimes call child and sire to the church of God a land where Bibles are read and Gospel truths are spoken, and where courts of justice are presumed to exist; it is extraordinary that, with all these advantages on your side, you can make war upon the poor defenseless black man.

You know we have no money, no railroads, no telegraphs, no advantages of any sort, and yet all manner of injustice is placed upon us. You know that the black people of this country acknowledge you as their superiors, by virtue of your education and advantages…

You may expel us, gentlemen, but I firmly believe that you will some day repent it. The black man cannot protect a country, if the country doesn’t protect him; and if, tomorrow, a war should arise, I would not raise a musket to defend a country where my manhood is denied.

The fashionable way in Georgia, when hard work is to be done, is for the white man to sit at his ease while the black man does the work; but, sir, I will say this much to the colored men of Georgia, as, if I should be killed in this campaign, I may have no opportunity of telling them at any other time: Never lift a finger nor raise a hand in defense of Georgia, until Georgia acknowledges that you are men and invests you with the rights pertaining to manhood. Pay your taxes, however, obey all orders from your employers, take good counsel from friends, work faithfully, earn an honest living, and show, by your conduct, that you can be good citizens.

Go on with your oppressions. Babylon fell. Where is Greece? Where is Nineveh? And where is Rome, the Mistress Empire of the world? Why is it that she stands, today, in broken fragments throughout Europe?

Because oppression killed her. Every act that we commit is like a bounding ball. If you curse a man, that curse rebounds upon you; and when you bless a man, the blessing returns to you; and when you oppress a man, the oppression also will rebound. Where have you ever heard of four millions of freemen being governed by laws, and yet have no hand in their making?

Search the records of the world, and you will find no example. “Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.” How dare you to make laws by which to try me and my wife and children, and deny me a voice in the making of these laws? I know you can establish a monarchy, an autocracy, an oligarchy, or any other kind of ocracy that you please; and that you can declare whom you please to be sovereign; but tell me, sir, how you can clothe me with more power than another, where all are sovereigns alike? How can you say you have a republican form of government, when you make such distinction and enact such proscriptive laws? Gentlemen talk a good deal about the Negroes “building no monuments.” I can tell the gentlemen one thing: that is, that we could have built monuments of fire while the war was in progress. We could have fired your woods, your barns and fences, and called you home. Did we do it?

No, sir! And God grant that the Negro may never do it, or do anything else that would destroy the good opinion of his friends. No epithet is sufficiently opprobrious for us now. I saw, sir, that we have built a monument of docility, of obedience, of respect, and of self control, that will endure longer than the Pyramids of Egypt. We are a persecuted people. Luther was persecuted; Galileo was persecuted; good men in all nations have been persecuted; but the persecutors have been handed down to posterity with shame and ignominy.

If you pass this bill, you will never get Congress to pardon or enfranchise another rebel in your lives. You are going to fix an everlasting disfranchisement upon Mr. Toombs and the other leading men of Georgia. You may think you are doing yourselves honor by expelling us from this House; but when we go, we will do as Wickliffe and as Latimer did.

We will light a torch of truth that will never be extinguished the impression that will run through the country, as people picture in their mind’s eye these poor black men, in all parts of this Southern country, pleading for their rights.

When you expel us, you make us forever your political foes, and you will never find a black man to vote a Democratic ticket again; for, so help me God, I will go through all the length and breadth of the land, where a man of my race is to be found, and advise him to beware of the Democratic party.

Justice is the great doctrine taught in the Bible. God’s Eternal justice is founded upon Truth, and the man who steps from justice steps from ‘Ruth, and cannot make his principles to prevail. I have now, Mr. Speaker, said all that my physical condition will allow me to say.

Weak and ill, though I am, I could not sit passively here and see the sacred rights of my race destroyed at one blow. We are in a position somewhat similar to that of the famous “Light Brigade,” of which Tennyson says, they had Cannon to right of them, Cannon to left of them, Cannon in front of them, Volleyed and thundered. I hope that our poor, downtrodden race may act well and wisely through this period of trial, and that they will exercise patience and discretion under all circumstances.

You may expel us, gentlemen, by your votes, today; but, while you do it, remember that there is a just God in Heaven, whose All-Seeing Eye beholds alike the acts of the oppressor and the oppressed, and who, despite the machinations of the wicked, never fails to vindicate the cause of Justice, and the sanctity of His own handiwork.”

I think #CorporalPunishment is wrong and I support #BaltimoreMom

Baltimore Mother Toya Graham became a heroine almost from the moment the first video of her roughing up her son for rioting Monday emerged on social media.

But, just a day later, it seems, some commenters are questioning her use of corporal punishment and the rush to crown Graham with titles such as “Heroine” and “America’s Favorite Mom.”

I don’t buy that routinely “beating” your kids makes them good because I know a ton of black folks who do and their kids have more issues than the majority of children of parents — black, white, other — I know who oppose corporal punishment.

However, I support Graham’s decision to use physical punishment in disciplining her quite-taller-than-her teenage son when she discovered he was in the streets looting and rioting because this was an extreme incident calling for extreme action.

I simply do not think she would have gotten the message across — or, frankly, successfully removed him or even herself from the scene — by politely asking him to leave.

Graham is a heroine because she wasn’t afraid to go against the party line at that moment that said rioting was the way to express the community’s outrage over the mysterious death of 25-year-old Freddie Gray on April 19.

I love her for being outraged and, frankly, “humiliating” her son in front of his peers because she expects better of him even if “the other kids are doing it.”

Handle your business, Ms. Graham.

#BaltimoreRiot #corporalpunishment

[Image from US Magazine story: http://ow.ly/MhH6r%5D

Jobs, Strong Families the Solution to the Rage in Baltimore and other Poor, Urban Communities

My 10 cents: Back in the day, folks could work in factories, fields, mines and build and have families. When you have families, you have a dedicated base for human development, the learning of values and a setting for planning a solid future.
When you have jobs and solid families you have people with direction.
Too many of our poor, urban fam have neither.
We need to change this. We need to get serious about finding real solutions to this tragic problem that affects all U.S. citizens.
They aren’t just burning down “their” communities, they are burning down America. 

Here’s the latest New York Times report on the #Baltimore riot: ow.ly/Megc2
[Getty Image from New York Times]

36th Annual Sickle Cell Race/Walk Move to Tri-Cities High School in East Point a Huge Success (Opinion)

EAST POINT — Though organizers and participants will miss the former Welcome All Park location, Tri-Cities High School, at 2575 Harris St., made for a new perfect event site of the 36th Annual Sickle Cell Race/Walk Saturday.

The school’s large gym, beautiful football stadium and surrounding side streets provided plenty of room for the pre-race dance workout, street vendors and socializing as well as an indoor escape from heat, clean restrooms and a nice stage and seating for presenting awards for the day’s main events: a 4k walk and 7k run.

The annual charity is promoted by the Sickle Cell Foundation of Georgia — founded by trailblazing Atlanta physicians  Dr. Delutha King (in picture) and the late Dr. Nelson McGhee — and managed by the South Fulton Running Partners — the nation’s oldest and largest historically African-American running club.

The Sickle Cell Foundation seeks to find a cure for sickle cell disease, a hereditary blood disorder common to people of African descent in which the body makes abnormal sickle-shaped red blood cells. All proceeds of the race/walk go to support Camp New Hope, a camp for youth with sickle cell anemia.

In this awards ceremony picture: East Point City Council Member Sharon Shropshire; Heavyweight World Champion legend Evander Holyfield; East Point City Council Member Nanette Saucier; Dr. King; Sickle Cell Foundation Attorney and Board Member Brian Poe, Esq., Brian Poe & Associates/Georgia Bankruptcy Attorneys; East Point City Council Member Deana Holiday Ingraham, Esq.; and Sickle Cell Foundation Board Member and Fulton County District 5 Commissioner Marvin Arrington, Jr., Esq.

For a photo gallery of the day, please visit the Facebook fan page of Journalist and Political Social Media Consultant Janita Poe.

47 Years Ago Today: Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Funeral Procession

ATLANTA — This Associated Press image is running today on The Civil Rights Tour — civilrightstour.com — Twitter page, @civilrightstour.

According to the page, marchers left Ebenezer and passed through the Old Fourth Ward, the Georgia Capitol and, eventually, as seen here, down Hunter Street (now MLK) through the Atlanta University complex on the way to Morehouse College.

For more pictures of this historic day, April 9, 1967, visit: @civilrightstour.

What We Need Now: Everything Authorities Said Before S.C. Shooting Video Emerged (Opinion)

If you haven’t see the video yet, you need to.

Everything is recorded. A North Charleston, S.C., police officer chases a man after a traffic stop scuffle and shoots him in the back, eight times. Then he calmly walks over to the body and places an object — some say a taser gun — next to the body.

To the police department’s credit, authorities move quickly and seek outside investigators to review the case. In just days, patrolman Michael T. Slager, 33, is arrested Tuesday for the murder of the man, Walter Scott, 50.

Having the video makes this shooting dramatically different from that of so many unarmed black men over the last few years, shootings that have lead to nationwide protests over the excessive use of force by police officers. For example, the Aug. 9, 2014, tussle between Michael Brown and Officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Miss., is at the crux of the very emotional debate between Brown and Wilson supporters. Was Wilson acting reasonably? How did Brown react? How did Wilson shoot Brown? In the end, the issue has always been, “we’ll never know.”

But the North Charleston incident is very different. The shooting is all on tape. No grand jury needed.

And, no matter what happened right before the shooting, the U.S. legal system never condones an officer repeatedly shooting a person in the back to kill.

So, at this point, I have different questions and I think others who are concerned about police brutality, race relations and how black males are treated by law enforcement should have them, too.

I want to reconstuct everything that was said about this incident before the video surfaced. I want to see everything the officer said. I want to learn how the powers that be in this community portrayed this incident. I want a copy of every television, print and talk radio dialogue about this incident.


Because the overarching issue in all of these cases is trust.

Right now, trust is broken between police and their supporters and black males who claim to be unfairly treated by police and their supporters. And, many in this society truly do not believe some police officers treat human beings in this dehumanizing way Officer Slager clearly treats Mr. Scott, in this clear-as-day cellphone video.

No, not all police officers are bad people. But those who are abuse their power to the point of cold-blooding killings like this.

This is what the protestors have been trying to tell them all along.

So. Tell us what they said before the video.

Time to turn the mirror on supporters of these bad cops.

Congregation of Church Razed for Falcons Stadium Celebrates 1st Easter at New Southwest Atlanta Location

by Janita Poe/@AtlantaPolitics

CASCADE HEIGHTS — The congregation of Mt. Vernon Baptist Church — one of two historic African-American structures razed last year to make way for a new $1.2-billion Atlanta Falcons stadium — celebrated its first Easter service today in its new southwest Atlanta location.

The occasion comes just a month before Mt. Vernon — now across from Young Middle School at Mays and Lynhurst — celebrates 100 years since the congregation became a church, according to the church’s website. The official march into the new facility was Palm Sunday, according to Associate Pastor Walter Mobley.

Mt. Vernon’s vote to accept $14.5 million from the city for their 53-year-old downtown home and that of landmark Friendship Baptist to accept $19.5 million, did not come without controversy. Historic preservationists, devout Baptists and other groups strongly opposed the churches selling their structures for any price. Some church members and their supporters, however, said the funds will allow the two churches to build and grow.

Editor’s Note: The author is the grandniece of the Rev. J.R. Lovett, who pastored Mt. Vernon from 1952 to 1962.

Image: Janita Poe

@MaynardMovie Twitter Handle Now Promoting Documentary on Life of Atlanta’s First African-American Mayor

by Janita Poe/@AtlantaPolitics

ATLANTA — The @MaynardMovie Twitter handle for the new Auburn Avenue Films movie about the life of Atlanta’s first African-American mayor, Maynard Holbrook Jackson, is up and running.

Jackson is seen here in this 1952 picture of the Dobbs family in front of their home at 540 John Wesley Dobbs (formerly Houston Street) on Aug. 27, 1952.

Mr. Dobbs — affectionately know as the “Mayor of Auburn Avenue” — is seated front and center. His grandson, Maynard, is on the very back row, on the left.

His son-in-law, the Rev. Maynard H. Jackson, Sr., who pastored the historic Friendship Baptist Church during the 1940s and early 1950s, is on the front row, holding a child.

Friends who want to support the making of this movie can donate to the crowdfunding arm of the documentary here: http://maynardmovie.com/

Image: @historyatlanta Twitter page.